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Perspektif Konstitusi Indonesia pada Kerjasama Partai Politik dalam Pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Dwi Anggono, Bayu
Pandecta: Research Law Journal Vol 9, No 1 (2014): Pandecta January 2014
Publisher : Semarang State University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15294/pandecta.v9i1.3000

Dalam rangka menjadikan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden memiliki legitimasi yang lebih kuat dan konsekuensi penegasan sistem pemerintahan presidensial yang dianut, maka pada perubahan ketiga UUD 1945 Â muncul kesepakatan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden dipilih secara langsung Â oleh rakyat. Pasangan Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden diusulkan oleh partai politik atau gabungan partai politik peserta pemilihan umum. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis politik hukum Pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden secara langsung di Indonesia; menganalisis peran partai politik dalam Pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden secara langsung; menganalisis praktik kerjasama antar partai politik dalam pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden; dan mengkaji cara membangun kerjasama partai politik berbasis konstitusi. Metode yang dipergunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah yuridis normatif yaitu pencarian jawaban terhadap permasalahan dan tujuan penelitian bersaranakan kerangka teori hukum normatif. Â Dari hasil penelitian ini diperoleh jawaban, bahwa praktik kerjasama antar partai politik dalam pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden selama ini (2004 dan 2009) belum sesuai dengan kehendak awal (original intent) para perumus perubahan UUD 1945 karena menciptakan kerjasama taktis yang bersifat sesaat. UUD 1945 menghendaki kerjasama partai politik dalam pencalonan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden diletakkan dalam dua prinsip besar yaitu: pertama, kerjasama partai politik diharapkan melahirkan kerjasama jangka panjang yang dapat melahirkan penyederhanaan partai politik secara alamiah. Kedua, kerjasama partai politik dalam pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden haruslah dikaitkan dengan rancang bangun sistem pemerintahan menurut UUD 1945, yaitu sistem pemerintahan presidensial dengan ciri Presiden secara umum tidak tergantung pada ada atau tidak adanya dukungan DPR sebagaimana lazimnya yang berlaku dalam sistem pemerintahan parlementer.Â In order to make the President and Vice President has a strong legitimacy and consequences of the affirmation of the presidential government system, thus in the third amendment of the 1945 Constitution stated that President and Vice President shall be directly elected by the people. The candidates of the President and Vice President shall be nominated by a political party or coalition of political parties that participating in general election. The objectives of this research are to analyze legal politics of direct elections of president and vice president in Indonesia; to analyze the role of political parties in direct elections of president and vice president; to analyze the practice of cooperation among political parties in Â President and Vice President election, and Â reviewing political parties building coalition/cooperation as the basis of constitution. The method used in this study is juridical normative. Juridical normative research is library research, ie research on secondary data based on legal normative frameworks. From this study confirmed that the practice of cooperation among political parties in the presidential election in 2004 and 2009 was not in accordance with the initial will (original intent) of the formulator of the 1945 Constitution because itâs created a temporary tactical cooperation. 1945 Constitution required political partiesâ cooperation in order to nominate the President and Vice President which is placed in two major principles: firstly, political parties cooperation are expected to generate a long-term partnership which can simplify the amount of political parties naturally. Â Secondly, the cooperation of political parties in the presidential election should Â be associated with the design of government system Â according to the 1945 Constitution i.e the presidential system which generally characterized by not depend on the support from the parliament as commonly applicable in the parliamentary system..

Konstitusionalitas dan Model Pendidikan Karakter Bangsa Pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Anggono, Bayu Dwi
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 11, No 3 (2014)
Publisher : Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia

Constitutional Court Decision No. 100/PUU-XI/2013 stated that Pancasila as a basic state declared in the the 1945 preamble can not be equated with the 1945 Constitution, Unity in Diversity, and the Unitary State of Indonesia declared as the pillars of the nation and state as cited in the Article 34 paragraph (3b) letter a. Considering the benefits of the nation’s effort to build a character, the Constitutional Court declared constitutional effort of political parties and other state agencies that carry out political education through the dissemination of Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, Unity in Diversity. The Court sets a model of character education necessary to be developed which is not limited in the for pillars but it includes some other aspects such as the state of law, sovereignty, an insight of archipelago, national defense, and so forth. The government basically hold the primary responsibility for implementing character education for its citizens. Thus, the government needs to consider of alternatives to establish a special agency to formulate and implement effective national character education.

The Tenure Arrangement Of Primary Constitutional Organ Leaders In Indonesian Constitutional System Anggono, Bayu Dwi
Constitutional Review Vol 2, No 1 (2016)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

The tenure arrangement of primary constitutional organ leaders is required as the implementation of power limitation principle and the manifestation of political equality principle as the characteristic of democratic state. The tenure arrangements of primary constitutional organ leaders in Indonesia have four models: tenure arrangement through the 1945 Constitution, tenure arrangement through Law, tenure arrangement which is not regulated by law but regulated in the constitutional organs? internal regulation, and tenure arrangement which is not regulated by law as well as internal regulation. The problem in this paper is: First, how is the arrangement of leadership tenure in the constitutional organs according to the Indonesian legislation system. Second, how to adjust the arrangement of constitutional organ leader in order to provide legal certainty and prevent conflict that can disrupt organs? performance. The arrangement through the Constitution is the most powerful model in term of legal certainty regarding that the Constitution is in the highest national legal order and materials related to the structure and organization of primary constitutional organs constitute the Constitution?s substance. The model not regulated in law but regulated in internal regulation prone to cause conflict because every member of the constitutional organs which meets the requirements may change the internal regulation at any time. To avoid this conflict, this paper concludes that it requires the change of regulation regulating the tenure of constitutional organ leaders so that it is no longer regulated in the constitutional organs? internal regulations, but it is set in the 1945 Constitution or at least in the Law in order to have a better legal certainty.

The Implementation Of Agrarian Reform In Semarang Regency Anggono, Bayu Dwi; Wahanisa, Rofi
Journal of Strategic and Global Studies
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

The principle of national agrarian reform (Agrarian Reform) basically refers to the 1960 Basic Agrarian Law (UUPA), especially Articles 1 to Article 15 and Article 4 of the MPR Decree No. IX of 2001. Agrarian reform is needed to restructure the control, ownership, use and utilization of agrarian resources. Agrarian Reform is tested at the local level such as Semarang regency. In this study, the statements of the problem are: (a) how is the implementation of asset reform? and (b) how do the related institutions support access reform developed in Semarang regency? The study used a descriptive-qualitative method with a sociological and juridical approach. The results showed that the implementation of asset reform in Semarang Regency was conducted through Agrarian National Operation Project (PRONA). Furthermore, the related institutions supported access reform by implementing various programs although their implementations were not optimal.

PEMBATASAN PENGAJUAN PERKARA SENGKETA HASIL PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH DI MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI DAN IMPLIKASINYA TERHADAP JAMINAN KEAMANAN NASIONAL Anggono, Bayu Dwi
Jurnal Rechts Vinding: Media Pembinaan Hukum Nasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April 2016
Publisher : Badan Pembinaan Hukum Nasional

Muncul perbedaan tajam di publik terhadap Pasal 158 UU Pilkada tentang syarat selisih perolehan suara dengan prosentase tertentu untuk dapat mengajukan sengketa hasil Pilkada ke Mahkamah Konstitusi. Kelompok pertama berpandangan MK adalah lembaga peradilan yang dipercaya menegakkan keadilan substantif dan tidak boleh terkekang dengan Pasal 158. Kelompok lainnya berpendapat Pasal 158 merupakan UU yang masih berlaku dan mengikat seluruh rakyat Indonesia, tidak terkecuali MK. Tulisan ini akan membahas politik hukum hadirnya Pasal 158, bagaimana MK seharusnya menerapkan Pasal 158, dan implikasi kehadiran Pasal 158 terhadap jaminan keamanan nasional. Pembentuk UU merumuskan Pasal 158 atas pertimbangan mendorong terbangunnya budaya politik yang makin dewasa dalam proses Pilkada. Hadirnya Pasal 158 merupakan upaya untuk mencegah konflik melalui kepastian perkara sengketa yang dapat ditangani oleh MK yang akan berimplikasi kepada terpeliharanya jaminan keamanan nasional. Bersamaan penerapan Pasal 158 harus dibarengi optimalisasi penyelesaian perselisihan/pelanggaran Pilkada oleh lembaga di luar MK secara transparan, akuntabel, tuntas, dan adil. Pihak yang merasa dirugikan dengan pembatasan di Pasal 158 dapat mengusulkan kepada pembentuk UU untuk menghilangkan atau mengubahnya.Sharp differences emerged on the public to Article 158 of the Election Law about certain votes percentage margin requirements to be able to dispute the election results to the Constitutional Court. The first group believes the constitutional court is a judicial institution that is trusted to enforce substantive justice and should not be constrained by Article 158. Another group argues that Article 158 is still applicable law and binding on all the people of Indonesia, including the Constitutional Court. This paper will discuss the legal political of the presence of Article 158, how the Constitutional Court should apply Article 158 and the implications of the law on national security. The formulation of the Article 158 was based on the consideration of promoting the political culture development and to make it more mature in the electoral process. The presence of Article 158 is an effort to prevent conflicts through providing legal certainty on what disputes can be dealt by the Constitutional Court. This will have implication on the maintenance of national security.The application of Article 158 should be done together with optimization of resolution on dispute /election violations by institutions outside the Constitutional Court in a transparent, accountable, thorough, and fair way. Those who feel harmed by the restrictions in Article 158 may propose to the legislature to remove or change them.

PUBLIC PARTICIPATION URGENCY AS A EFFORTS AND REQUIREMENTS FOR THE FORMATION OF GOOD LAW Anggono, Bayu Dwi; Firdaus, Fahmi Ramadhan
Jurnal Dinamika Hukum Vol 21, No 1 (2021)
Publisher : Faculty of Law, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20884/1.jdh.2021.21.1.2872

One of the requirements for a good law is participatory, this is needed in the hope that the law can be effectively implemented, because the aspirations of the needs of the public have been accommodated. However, it is not uncommon for the process of establishing laws in Indonesia to be considered to be less participatory. Although there is public participation, it is considered a formality and the people's aspirations are not substantially stated in the law. The problem discussed in this paper is, how a good law product should be and whether the urgency of public participation involvement in the formation of laws. The method of approach used in this paper is the conceptual approach, based on the concept of a democratic rule of law. In addition, this paper uses a comparative approach method, which compares and studies the involvement of public participation in the process of forming laws in several countries. This paper provides an overview of a good law product and the importance of public participation as an effort to form a good and effective law.Keywords: Laws and Regulations; Rule of Law; Public Participation

Konstitusionalitas dan Model Pendidikan Karakter Bangsa Pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Bayu Dwi Anggono
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 11, No 3 (2014)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Constitutional Court Decision No. 100/PUU-XI/2013 stated that Pancasila as a basic state declared in the the 1945 preamble can not be equated with the 1945 Constitution, Unity in Diversity, and the Unitary State of Indonesia declared as the pillars of the nation and state as cited in the Article 34 paragraph (3b) letter a. Considering the benefits of the nation’s effort to build a character, the Constitutional Court declared constitutional effort of political parties and other state agencies that carry out political education through the dissemination of Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, Unity in Diversity. The Court sets a model of character education necessary to be developed which is not limited in the for pillars but it includes some other aspects such as the state of law, sovereignty, an insight of archipelago, national defense, and so forth. The government basically hold the primary responsibility for implementing character education for its citizens. Thus, the government needs to consider of alternatives to establish a special agency to formulate and implement effective national character education.

Telaah Peran Partai Politik untuk Mewujudkan Peraturan Perundang-Undangan yang Berdasarkan Pancasila Bayu Dwi Anggono
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 16, No 4 (2019)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Penerapan Pancasila sebagai cita hukum bangsa Indonesia dan sekaligus sumber segala sumber hukum negara masih menghadapi sejumlah permasalahan salah satunya kemauan politik pembentuk peraturan perundang-undangan yang merupakan anggota Partai politik. Akibat pembentukan yang tidak bersumber pada Pancasila maka peraturan perundang-undangan yang diberlakukan di pusat maupun daerah menimbulkan permasalahan. Permasalahan yang dibahas dalam tulisan ini mengenai cara meningkatkan peran partai politik untuk mewujudkan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berdasarkan kepada nilai-nilai Pancasila. Metode pendekatan yang dipergunakan dalam tulisan ini adalah dengan pendekatan konseptual, dengan mendasarkan pada kedudukan Pancasila sebagai cita hukum, serta fungsi partai politik dalam negara demokratis. Temuan yang didapat yaitu fungsi legislasi sering dikesampingkan dibanding fungsi pengawasan dan anggaran, politik mayoritas menjadi dasar pemikiran para pembuat peraturan perundang-undangan dan bukan ukuran ideologi atau konstitusional, pragmatisme perekrutan calon anggota parlemen, serta adanya perilaku korupsi legislasi. Untuk meningkatkan peran partai politik mewujudkan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berdasarkan pada Pancasila dapat dilakukan dengan cara mewajibkan Parpol di semua tingkatan menyusun desain politik legislasi dalam masa kampanye Pemilu, kepengurusan Parpol dibagi ke dalam 3 (tiga) komponen salah satunya calon anggota lembaga perwakilan, ketegasan Parpol untuk menarik atau mengganti anggotanya di lembaga perwakilan yang lalai dalam menjalankan politik legislasi Pancasila, memasukkan kurikulum pendidikan Pancasila dalam pengkaderan anggota Parpol secara berjenjang dan berkelanjutan, dan negara segera membuat panduan atau pedoman sebagai dokumen resmi dalam menafsirkan dan memahami sila-sila Pancasila.The application of Pancasila as the legal idealsm of the Indonesia and as the source of all legal sources still dealing with some problems, one of which were the political will of laws and regulations maker which are the members of political parties. As a result of the formation that does not originate from Pancasila, the laws and regulations that are enforced at the central and regional levels cause problems. The issues discussed in this paper are about how to increase the role of political parties to refine laws and regulations based on Pancasila values. The method of approach used in this paper is a conceptual approach, based on the standing of the Pancasila as a legal idealism, as well as the function of political parties in a democratic country. The findings obtained are that the legislative function is often ruled out compared to the controlling and budgeting functions, political majorities become the rationale for legislators and not ideological or constitutional measures, pragmatism for recruiting parliament candidates, and the existence of corrupt behaviour in the legislation. To increase the role of political parties in refining laws and regulations based on Pancasila can be done by requiring the political parties at all levels to construct political legislation design in the election campaign period, management of political parties are divided into three (3) components one of which members of the legislature candidate, the firmness of political parties to withdraw or change the members in the legislature that fail to implement the Pancasila political legislation, including the Pancasila education curriculum in the cadre of political party members gradually and continuously, and the state immediately made guidelines as official documents in interpreting and understanding the Pancasila principles.

Perlindungan Hak Penyandang Disabilitas dalam Memperoleh Pekerjaan dan Penghidupan yang Layak bagi Kemanusiaan Bayu Dwi Anggono
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 17, No 1 (2020)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Decent work and livelihoods for humanity are part of human rights for everyone, including people with disabilities, so the 1945 Constitution provides guarantees and legal protection for their implementation. The problem is the discriminatory attitude towards persons with disabilities and the low level of education of persons with disabilities as a gap between people with disabilities and non-disabled workers. The absence of exact data related to the number of workers with disabilities both in the private sector and non-private sectors (PNS, BUMN and BUMD) raises its own problems in the protection of persons with disabilities. The quota of minimum requirement is 2 percent as a mandatory for the government, local government, BUMN, and BUMD and 1 percent for private companies from the number of employees or workers in the Disability Act is apparently not enough to provide protection for people with disabilities. This research is a normative legal research to examine the laws and regulations in order to obtain justice for persons with disabilities. This becomes very important as a form of government commitment through supervision and improvement of policies becomes very important so that persons with disabilities get decent work and livelihoods.

The Role of the House of Representatives in Guarding Government Policies to Resolve the Covid-19 Pandemic Bayu Dwi Anggono; Fahmi Ramadhan Firdaus
Fiat Justisia: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Vol 15 No 4 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Lampung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25041/fiatjustisia.v15no4.2314

The responsibility to handle the Covid-19 Pandemic is not only carried out by the President as the highest leader of the government, but also the House of Representatives which holds the legislative branch of power, so far the public has questioned the seriousness of Parliament in handle the Pandemic, through its functions should be able to assist and especially to monitoring policy government to work together to handle this pandemic and as an effort to prevent potential abuse of power. The writing of this article uses the Juridical Normative method which will produce recommendations on how the House of Representatives should optimize its function during the Covid-19 Pandemic.

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