Articles
<![CDATA[PERLUKAN REFORMASI SEKTOR INTELIJEN DI TUBUH PERTAHANAN INDONESIA? ]]>
<![CDATA[SUDIRMAN, ARFIN]]>;
<![CDATA[Fadly, Achmad]]>
<![CDATA[ CosmoGov Vol 4, No 1 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP UNPAD ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/cosmogov.v4i1.14214
<![CDATA[Indonesia tengah membangun satu postur pertahanan yang menitik beratkan kepada soft power. Melalui peranan intelijen, reformasi sektor intelijen akan semakin berperan besar ketika berbicara mengenai kegiatan diplomasi pertahanan karena akan selalu berorientasi kepada kepentingan nasional. Reformasi sektor intelijen di tubuh pertahanan Indonesia kemudian dipertanyakan, disebabkan adanya tarik menarik kepentingan melalui eksistensi Bais TNI dengan badan intelijen pertahanan yang akan dibangun. Hasil yang dapat ditarik dalam artikel ini adalah reformasi sektor intelijen akan sangat kental dengan keputusan politik. Tarik menarik kepentingan antara Bais TNI dan BIP, mengenai kegiatan atase pertahanan, sangat mempengaruhi keputusan politik domestik Indonesia. Selain itu juga akan mempengaruhi dari anggaran pertahanan sebagai wujud dari reformasi sektor intelijen itu sendiri. Pada akhirnya juga keputusan politik dan menekan egosektoral di dalam tubuh kementerian pertahanan merupakan solusi terbaik sebagai wujud dari reformasi sektor intelijen di tubuh pertahanan Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[MARITIME DIPLOMACY SEBAGAI STRATEGI PEMBANGUNAN KEAMANAN MARITIM INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Nugraha, Muhammad Harry Riana]]>;
<![CDATA[Sudirman, Arfin]]>
<![CDATA[ JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 1, No 2 (2016): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Oktober ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v1i2.11059
<![CDATA[Indonesiaâs geographical conditions that sourrounded by ocean should be considered as an added value for maritime diplomacy for the sake of the development of Indonesia. Therefore, in terms of geoculture, Maritime Diplomacy should be taken into account as one of the main pillars to build maritime security in Indonesia including the use of maritime diplomacy in response to security threats, so that the defense capabilities will be gradually improved. This article will examine the importance of organizing Indonesiaâs maritime sector regarding the vision of the Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) in order to see the strengths and weaknesses of Indonesian Navyâs capabilities as an instrument of Indonesiaâs Maritime diplomacy to support the development of maritime security. This article also argued that the most important in Indonesiaâs Maritime Diplomacy is that Indonesia is capable to guarantee maritime security for all stakeholders regionally and globally. Indonesia needs to improve management and expand promotion for all trading ports available, namely Jakarta and Surabaya as well as other ports as a hub of global maritime prospects. By enhancing maritime safety and security, various international cooperation will be maintained and pro table for Indonesia. ]]>
<![CDATA[MEMBANGUN KEAMANAN REGIONAL DI ASEAN DALAM MENANGGULANGI ANCAMAN TERORISME ]]>
<![CDATA[SUDIRMAN, ARFIN]]>
<![CDATA[ JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 2, No 1 (2017): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Maret ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v2i1.11276
<![CDATA[ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) as a regional cooperation association has a significant roles on harmonizing the counter terrorism effort in the Southeast Asia region. Based on primary and secondary data by using qualitative method, the purpose of this paper is to examine the harmonization of counter terrorism cooperation between ASEAN members. The research found that ASEAN has a set of counter terrorism policies that had been ratified in different times as a form of regional policies harmonization. However in terms of strategic-operational level, the ASEANâs member states has the authority to tackle terrorism issue on their own with the possibility to establish a cooperation with a non ASEAN member state. In addition, the US also has a significant role in assisting counter terrorism effort for ASEANâs states members.]]>
<![CDATA[KOREA SELATAN DAN PROVOKASI KOREA UTARA: TAKTIK PENGARUH DAN PERSUASI PADA MASA PEMERINTAHAN LEE MYUNG BAK ]]>
<![CDATA[Sudirman, Arfin]]>
<![CDATA[ JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 3, No 1 (2018): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Maret ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v3i1.14215
<![CDATA[Korea Selatan memiliki berbagai kepentingan dan telah menetapkan tujuan-tujuan dalam kebijakan luar negerinya. Namun upaya pencapaian kepentingan dan tujuan tersebut, terutama berkenaan dengan stabilitas di Semenanjung, seringkali dihadapkan pada tantangan, Aksi-Aksi provokatif dari Korea Utara merupakan salah satu isu yang serius dan perilaku yang tidak diinginkan oleh Korea Selatan. Oleh karena itu Korea Selatan melakukan sejumlah kebijakan luar negeri dalam upayanya untuk mencegah aksi provokatif dari Korea Utara, yang dalam penelitian ini difokuskan pada periode tiga tahun pertama pemerintahan Lee Myung Bak tahun 2008 hingga 2010. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif deksriptif analitis, artikel ini mencoba untuk mengidentifikasi kebijakan luar negeri Korea Selatan dalam mencegah aksi provokasi dari Korea Utara. Artikel menunjukkan bahwa Korea Selatan menggunakan taktik pengaruh untuk mencegah provokasi Korea Utara dan memanfaatkan kapabilitas ekonominya untuk mendukung kebijakan tersebut. Adapun penggunaan taktik pengaruh oleh Korea Selatan tersebut bergantung pada kasus dan tingkat aksi provokasi Korea Utara, mulai dari penggunaan taktik persuasi hingga penalti hukuman non-kekerasan, termasuk di dalamnya penggunaan taktik kekerasan secara terbatas ketika aksi provokasi tidak dapat dihentikan dan cegah dengan taktik lain. ]]>
<![CDATA[Disaster Diplomacy as an Alternative Approach for Indonesias Instrument of Foreign Policy in ASEAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Sudirman, Arfin]]>;
<![CDATA[Putra, Animbyo Cahya]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol 14, No 1 (2018): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Parahyangan Center for International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v14i1.2772.1-12
<![CDATA[ASEAN is one of the regions with the highest rate of disaster vulnerability. Tsunami 2004 has triggered the momentum for Indonesia and ASEAN to deal with disaster-related issues more seriously. Losses and casualties from the catastrophe led to the decision by Indonesian government to put disaster prevention and risk reduction as a priority. Indonesia continues to encourage and supporting ASEAN in order to improve the regionâs capability to deal with natural disaster. Through AADMER (ASEAN Agreement on Disaster Management and Emergency Response) that was signed in July 2005, ASEAN held an unequivocal and defined base in any efforts of disaster management, especially in the ASEAN region. Through Qualitative Methodology, this paper will discuss about how the disaster diplomacy of Indonesia contributes to the improvement of ASEANâs capability in the disaster management, but also examines BNPB as both the backbone and the focal point of Indonesiaâs disaster management, which then leads up to how disaster can abolish certain diplomatic hurdles, as well as improving regional cooperation, and strengthen the Indonesiaâs position as a key country in regional disaster management.]]>
<![CDATA[Maritime Diplomacy Sebagai Strategi Pembangunan Keamanan Maritim Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Nugraha, Muhammad Harry Riana]]>;
<![CDATA[Sudirman, Arfin]]>
<![CDATA[ Gema Keadilan Vol 4, No 1 (2017): Gema Keadilan ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Hukum, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Kondisi alamiah geografis Indonesia yang dikategorikan sebagai maritim seharusnya menjadi nilai tambah bagi diplomasi Indonesia terutama untuk kepentingan pembangunan Indonesia. Sehingga secara geokultur, seharusnya Diplomasi Maritim menjadi salah satu pilar utamadalam pembangunan keamanan maritim di Indonesia termasuk penggunaan diplomasi maritim dalam merespon terhadap gangguan keamanan, sehingga secara berangsur kapabilitas pertahanan akan terbangun. Artikel ini akan mengulas pentingnya menata sektor maritim Indonesia pada visi Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) dengan melihat kekuatan dan kelemahan kapabilitas TNI AL sebagai salah satu instrumen diplomasi Maritim menuju pembangunan keamanan maritime Indonesia. Artikel ini juga berargumen bahwasanya hal terpenting yang perlu menjadi prioritas Diplomasi Maritim Indonesia adalah mampu menjamin keamanan maritim bagi stakeholders di kawasan regional dan global. Indonesia perlu melakukan penataan dan promosi terhadap pelabuhan perdagangan yang sudah dimiliki, yaitu di Jakarta dan Surabaya serta pelabuhan lainnya sebagai salah satu simpul maritim global yang prospek. Meningkatkan pengamanan dan keamanan sehingga berbagai kerja sama akan terus berlangsung dan bisa mendatangkan keuntungan bagi Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[PENERAPAN STRATEGI POLITIK DALAM PENINGKATAN PARTISIPASI PEMILIH PEREMPUAN PADA PILKADA SERENTAK DI KOTA MAGELANG ]]>
<![CDATA[Wibowo, Eko Ari]]>;
<![CDATA[Muradi, Muradi]]>;
<![CDATA[Sudirman, Arfin]]>
<![CDATA[ Al-Ijtima`i: International Journal of Government and Social Science Vol 4 No 1 (2018): Al-Ijtima`i: International Journal of Government and Social Science ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Pemerintahan ]]>
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<![CDATA[Women voters became one of the strategic voter segments in the political dissemination carried out by the Magelang City KPU because in addition to the population that exceeded male voters, it was also due to obstacles for women in terms of education, economy and social causes which made women more in the domestic area and limited access to information including electoral issues. In the implementation of simultaneous regional elections in 2015, the KPU set a target of national voter participation rate of 77.5%. As an effort to reach the target, Magelang City KPU implemented a strategy in carrying out political socialization to women voters. Qualitative methods are used in this study, and data collection techniques are used through interviews and documentation. Determination of informants is done with the purpose of using the snowball strategy. The results and discussion revealed that the Magelang City Election Commission applied an offensive and defensive strategy simultaneously but with different target groups of women voters.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Hubungan Sipil-Militer terhadap Perubahan Kebijakan Pertahanan Jepang di Tahun 2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Fadilah, Edta Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Sudirman, Arfin]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 1 (2018): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.71123
<![CDATA[The change in defense policy that occurred during Shinzo Abe's reign in 2015 produced many pros and cons among the public. As a decision, it was not popular among civilians, either political elites or the public sphere because the administration made it in a hurry. Moreover, Japanese country was famous as a country with pacifism value after the Second World War. Therefore, the question arises as of why the decision was taken. This study uses the theory of Civil-Military Relations from Samuel Huntington to see whether there is a motive from the military to involve in the decision. Besides, this study also discusses military defense and professionalism of management in Japan to further illustrate the existence of military influence in the defense policy-making process and the political orientation of the Japanese military. The method used in this study is a qualitative research method. The author concludes that there was no interference by the Japanese army on the Japanese defense policy changes in 2015, but there was a scourge of civil-military relations in Japan which was initially a subjective civilian control into an objective civilÂian control.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Hubungan Sipil-Militer terhadap Perubahan Kebijakan Pertahanan Jepang di Tahun 2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Fadilah, Edta Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Sudirman, Arfin]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 1 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.71123
<![CDATA[The change in defense policy that occurred during Shinzo Abe's reign in 2015 produced many pros and cons among the public. As a decision, it was not popular among civilians, either political elites or the public sphere because the administration made it in a hurry. Moreover, Japanese country was famous as a country with pacifism value after the Second World War. Therefore, the question arises as of why the decision was taken. This study uses the theory of Civil-Military Relations from Samuel Huntington to see whether there is a motive from the military to involve in the decision. Besides, this study also discusses military defense and professionalism of management in Japan to further illustrate the existence of military influence in the defense policy-making process and the political orientation of the Japanese military. The method used in this study is a qualitative research method. The author concludes that there was no interference by the Japanese army on the Japanese defense policy changes in 2015, but there was a scourge of civil-military relations in Japan which was initially a subjective civilian control into an objective civilÂian control.]]>
<![CDATA[Penanggulangan Terorisme di ASEAN Melalui Our Eyes Initiatives ]]>
<![CDATA[Prisilla Octaviani Winarto]]>;
<![CDATA[Arfin Sudirman]]>
<![CDATA[ Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 8 No 1 (2021): April 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman ]]>
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DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.1.2667
<![CDATA[Terorisme diketahui sebagai salah satu bentuk kejahatan transnasional, dimana pergerakannya cenderung acak, dan seiring berjalannya waktu terus berkembang melalui perluasan wilayah. Keadaan terorisme yang sudah mulai memasuki kawasan Asia Tenggara, khususnya negara-anggota ASEAN, memberikan keresahan tersendiri. Bahkan, beberapa jaringan-jaringan teroris yang terdapat di beberapa wilayah di negara-anggota ASEAN menunjukkan adanya keterkaitan dengan kelompok terorisme besar lainnya. Beberapa aksi-aksi teror kerap terjadi di negara-anggota ASEAN, ditambah dengan adanya perubahan karakteristik maupun pola terorisme di ASEAN yang semakin mengkhawatirkan. Menyadari hal tersebut, Indonesia, dibawah ASEAN Defense Ministerial Meeting mengusulkan kerja sama keamanan Our Eyes Initiative dengan tujuan agar Our Eyes Initiative dapat mengurangi dan memberantas terorisme di negara-anggota ASEAN. Fokus dalam penelitian ini adalah untuk mengkaji bagaimana cooperative security dapat diterapkan dalam Our Eyes Initiative. Metode kualitatif digunakan dalam penelitian ini guna mengumpulkan data-data yang dapat didapatkan melalui jurnal-jurnal terdahulu, dokumen-dokumen penting maupun wawancara secara langsung. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian yang sudah dilakukan, dapat disimpulkan bahwa Our Eyes Intiative dapat dikatakan sebagai cooperative security walaupun hanya terdapat tiga dari empat ring cooperative security yang ada di dalam Our Eyes Initiative, namun hal tersebut perlu dilihat berdasarkan pengertian dari cooperative security dan fungsi tujuan dari Our Eyes Intiative juga. Our Eyes Initiative dapat memberantas terorisme melalui perlindungan individu masing-masing negara, saling menjaga keamanan masing-masing neagra, dan memberikan kesadaran terhadap aksi teror yang kian meresahkan.]]>
